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	<title>Comments on: Does Making a Tautology out of Violence do a Violence to Tautology?</title>
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	<link>http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/2008/08/07/does-making-a-tautology-out-of-violence-do-a-violence-to-tautology/</link>
	<description>Or, "If you stole my maize, I pull your teeth."</description>
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		<title>By: Vance Maverick</title>
		<link>http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/2008/08/07/does-making-a-tautology-out-of-violence-do-a-violence-to-tautology/#comment-611</link>
		<dc:creator>Vance Maverick</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 11 Aug 2008 03:59:00 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>Of Italian politics I know only what an American expat picks up from conversation and popular accounts.  But it is fascinating.  The endgame of spring 1945 seems to have left Italy with a sort of zombie far left and far right, which were both real and potent yet only seldom openly in control.  Berlusconism is the ascendancy of a different sort of right wing -- corporatist / corrupt on modern models but not fundamentally fascist.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Of Italian politics I know only what an American expat picks up from conversation and popular accounts.  But it is fascinating.  The endgame of spring 1945 seems to have left Italy with a sort of zombie far left and far right, which were both real and potent yet only seldom openly in control.  Berlusconism is the ascendancy of a different sort of right wing &#8212; corporatist / corrupt on modern models but not fundamentally fascist.</p>
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		<title>By: zunguzungu</title>
		<link>http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/2008/08/07/does-making-a-tautology-out-of-violence-do-a-violence-to-tautology/#comment-607</link>
		<dc:creator>zunguzungu</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Aug 2008 14:20:16 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/?p=359#comment-607</guid>
		<description>That&#039;s a fascinating term, and one could expand the use of &quot;strategy of tension&quot; to describe a variety of sins beyond terrorism, as it gets practically defined.  

Reading about it in the Italian context, of which I&#039;ll admit I know very little, makes me speculate if some of the novelty of the idea (the counterintuitivity of leftists and rightest using the same strategy for the same medium term goal) comes from the very Western notion that all political activity is oriented on the acquisition of state power. In the West, or where the state is developed enough to make it the logical instrument of political control, de-legitimizing the state by contesting its monopoly on violence might be an awkward way of getting control of it. On the other hand, in contexts where the state is manifestly *not* the most powerful actor in society--I&#039;m thinking of the recent violence in Kenya, for example--a variety of sides in a political conflict can be in long term opposition to each other, but also share the same medium term goal of delegitimizing the government. During the Iranian revolution, too, I&#039;m told that all sorts of opposition parties (both the communists and the educated liberals, for example) shared with Khomeini and his people the medium term goal of delegitimizing the Shah&#039;s regime, despite having massively different long term goals, which had a lot to do with how things went down.    

Thinking out loud. Not that a strategy of tension couldn&#039;t be a way of bolstering state power, too; the GWOT seems a good example of that, with its color coded terrorism alerts and so forth.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>That&#8217;s a fascinating term, and one could expand the use of &#8220;strategy of tension&#8221; to describe a variety of sins beyond terrorism, as it gets practically defined.  </p>
<p>Reading about it in the Italian context, of which I&#8217;ll admit I know very little, makes me speculate if some of the novelty of the idea (the counterintuitivity of leftists and rightest using the same strategy for the same medium term goal) comes from the very Western notion that all political activity is oriented on the acquisition of state power. In the West, or where the state is developed enough to make it the logical instrument of political control, de-legitimizing the state by contesting its monopoly on violence might be an awkward way of getting control of it. On the other hand, in contexts where the state is manifestly *not* the most powerful actor in society&#8211;I&#8217;m thinking of the recent violence in Kenya, for example&#8211;a variety of sides in a political conflict can be in long term opposition to each other, but also share the same medium term goal of delegitimizing the government. During the Iranian revolution, too, I&#8217;m told that all sorts of opposition parties (both the communists and the educated liberals, for example) shared with Khomeini and his people the medium term goal of delegitimizing the Shah&#8217;s regime, despite having massively different long term goals, which had a lot to do with how things went down.    </p>
<p>Thinking out loud. Not that a strategy of tension couldn&#8217;t be a way of bolstering state power, too; the GWOT seems a good example of that, with its color coded terrorism alerts and so forth.</p>
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		<title>By: Vance Maverick</title>
		<link>http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/2008/08/07/does-making-a-tautology-out-of-violence-do-a-violence-to-tautology/#comment-606</link>
		<dc:creator>Vance Maverick</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Aug 2008 04:45:12 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description>I think I meant &quot;tactic&quot; rather than &quot;strategy&quot;, though obviously the meaning got across.  I was thinking of the phrase &lt;i&gt;strategia della tensione&lt;/i&gt; in Italian politics, referring to the supposed goal of the terrorist acts of the &lt;i&gt;anni di piombo&lt;/i&gt;.  What&#039;s curious there (to me, anyway) is that the actors are generally thought to have been a mix of groups of the left and right, and many of the most notorious acts, like the Bologna train station bombing, have never been definitively explained.  So the immediate agents are unknown, and the long-range goals; but we have consensus about the short-term tactics and (a bit more vaguely) the medium-term strategy.  (And about the moral evaluation, at least publicly.)</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>I think I meant &#8220;tactic&#8221; rather than &#8220;strategy&#8221;, though obviously the meaning got across.  I was thinking of the phrase <i>strategia della tensione</i> in Italian politics, referring to the supposed goal of the terrorist acts of the <i>anni di piombo</i>.  What&#8217;s curious there (to me, anyway) is that the actors are generally thought to have been a mix of groups of the left and right, and many of the most notorious acts, like the Bologna train station bombing, have never been definitively explained.  So the immediate agents are unknown, and the long-range goals; but we have consensus about the short-term tactics and (a bit more vaguely) the medium-term strategy.  (And about the moral evaluation, at least publicly.)</p>
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		<title>By: zunguzungu</title>
		<link>http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/2008/08/07/does-making-a-tautology-out-of-violence-do-a-violence-to-tautology/#comment-604</link>
		<dc:creator>zunguzungu</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2008 17:57:37 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/?p=359#comment-604</guid>
		<description>Yeah, that&#039;s exactly it: any definition of &quot;terrorism&quot; that doesn&#039;t talk about motives is going to have real difficulty distinguishing between &quot;good&quot; and &quot;bad&quot; uses of violence; from the perspective of the people being bombed, maybe there isn&#039;t one. But on the other hand, if we try to use motive to distinguish between, say, the bombing campaigns of WWII and the 9-11 hijacking, we run the risk of legitimizing some sorts of violence (say, &quot;shock and awe&quot; in Iraq) while de-legitimizing others, simply on the basis of political convenience.

Not that both approaches aren&#039;t appropriate at particular times, I suppose. But I think it&#039;s worth thinking about *why* it&#039;s so difficult to talk about this kind of thing clearly; these sorts of distinctions and questions *should* be vexed. It seems to me that it&#039;s exactly when we think they&#039;re simple (me good, they bad) that people become dangerous and do terrible things.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Yeah, that&#8217;s exactly it: any definition of &#8220;terrorism&#8221; that doesn&#8217;t talk about motives is going to have real difficulty distinguishing between &#8220;good&#8221; and &#8220;bad&#8221; uses of violence; from the perspective of the people being bombed, maybe there isn&#8217;t one. But on the other hand, if we try to use motive to distinguish between, say, the bombing campaigns of WWII and the 9-11 hijacking, we run the risk of legitimizing some sorts of violence (say, &#8220;shock and awe&#8221; in Iraq) while de-legitimizing others, simply on the basis of political convenience.</p>
<p>Not that both approaches aren&#8217;t appropriate at particular times, I suppose. But I think it&#8217;s worth thinking about *why* it&#8217;s so difficult to talk about this kind of thing clearly; these sorts of distinctions and questions *should* be vexed. It seems to me that it&#8217;s exactly when we think they&#8217;re simple (me good, they bad) that people become dangerous and do terrible things.</p>
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		<title>By: Vance Maverick</title>
		<link>http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/2008/08/07/does-making-a-tautology-out-of-violence-do-a-violence-to-tautology/#comment-603</link>
		<dc:creator>Vance Maverick</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2008 16:16:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://zunguzungu.wordpress.com/?p=359#comment-603</guid>
		<description>This is not easy to talk about clearly.  I think we use &quot;terrorism&quot; to denote a strategy -- to say that the perpetrators acted in a certain way not primarily to kill or maim the immediate victims but in order to have some effect on a larger population.  So the motives matter in a sense, but not the larger motive.

Put this way, of course, the bombing campaigns of WWII do look like terrorism (no surprise).</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>This is not easy to talk about clearly.  I think we use &#8220;terrorism&#8221; to denote a strategy &#8212; to say that the perpetrators acted in a certain way not primarily to kill or maim the immediate victims but in order to have some effect on a larger population.  So the motives matter in a sense, but not the larger motive.</p>
<p>Put this way, of course, the bombing campaigns of WWII do look like terrorism (no surprise).</p>
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